Taiwan's Elections and Party Politics
From the "democratic showcase" elections of the 1950s to the first direct presidential election in 1996, Taiwan took nearly half a century to complete its peaceful transition from authoritarianism to democracy. This process, filled with struggle and compromise, ideals and reality, ultimately created today's vibrant, pluralistic democratic Taiwan.
Martial Law Period: Limited Democratic Experiments
"Free China's" Democratic Showcase
In the 1950s, facing international Cold War pressures, the KMT government needed to prove to the United States that it represented "Free China," different from Communist China. Therefore, under strict limitations, it began holding local elections as a democratic "showcase."
The 1950 Taiwan Provincial Assembly election was postwar Taiwan's first popular election. But this "democracy" had many restrictions: only local councilors could be elected, not governors; only individual candidates, not political parties; criticism of policies was allowed, but not questioning leadership. The KMT tightly controlled the electoral process, ensuring no voices challenging the regime would emerge.
Even so, these elections planted seeds for future democratization. Some local elites entered the political system through elections, beginning to learn democratic operations. Most importantly, people grew accustomed to expressing opinions through ballots, gradually awakening democratic consciousness.
Gradual Progress in Local Self-Government
Starting in the 1960s, local elections gradually expanded in scope. County magistrates, provincial assembly members, Taipei mayors, and other positions progressively opened to popular election. Although still under tight KMT control, electoral competition intensified.
Important local political figures emerged during this period. Kaohsiung Mayor Yang Jinhu (楊金虎), Taichung Mayor Lin Chengqiu (林澄秋), Tainan Mayor Ye Tinggui (葉廷珪), and others, though KMT members, possessed strong Taiwanese characteristics. They demonstrated different governing styles locally, laying foundations for later localization politics.
More importantly, some non-KMT candidates began emerging in elections. Though unable to organize parties, they ran as independents, proposing different platforms. These "tangwai" (黨外, outside-the-party) figures became important forces in future democratic movements.
The Tangwai Movement: Democracy's First Voice
1970s: The Age of Political Awakening
The 1970s marked Taiwan's crucial period of political awakening. Diplomatic setbacks like UN withdrawal and severed US relations made Taiwanese society question KMT rule. Simultaneously, rapid economic growth cultivated a new middle class demanding greater political participation.
Guo Yuxin's (郭雨新) high vote count in a 1975 legislative by-election shocked the political establishment. Though he lost, his 60% vote share revealed public dissatisfaction with KMT one-party dominance. This election is considered the tangwai movement's starting point.
Tangwai figures began attempting to break speech taboos. They criticized martial law in campaign speeches, questioned the "ten-thousand-year parliament," and demanded lifting the party ban. Though frequently facing judicial persecution, democratic ideals gradually penetrated society.
_Formosa_ Magazine: Democracy's Torch
The 1979 launch of Formosa (Měilìdǎo 美麗島) magazine became an important platform for the tangwai movement. The magazine gathered key tangwai figures like Kang Ningxiang (康寧祥), Huang Xingjie (黃信介), Shih Ming-teh (施明德), and Xu Xinliang (許信良), forming what would become the Democratic Progressive Party's core group.
Formosa magazine wasn't just a publication but a proto-political organization. They established service offices nationwide, organized reader meetings, essentially functioning as a political party. Magazine content boldly criticized government and proposed democratic reforms, with circulation rapidly climbing.
On December 10, 1979, Formosa magazine organized a human rights commemoration in Kaohsiung, sparking the "Kaohsiung Incident" (Formosa Incident). Military police suppressed crowds and arrested tangwai leaders. Though this severely damaged the tangwai movement, it also showed the international community Taiwan's democratic aspirations.
From Underground to Aboveground: Political Party Embryos
After the Kaohsiung Incident, the tangwai movement didn't disappear but flourished further. Family members of arrested leaders entered politics, with "Kaohsiung Incident generation" female politicians like Annette Lu (呂秀蓮), Chen Chu (陳菊), and Zhou Qingyu (周清玉) rising to prominence.
In the early 1980s, tangwai figures used names like "Tangwai Public Policy Association" and "Tangwai Editorial Association" to essentially conduct party-forming activities. They supported each other in elections, formed common platforms, already possessing party characteristics.
In 1985, tangwai figures officially announced the establishment of the "Tangwai Research Association," the DPP's predecessor. Though the government didn't recognize its legality, it operated de facto, preparing for formal party establishment.
Lifting Martial Law and Democratization: Critical Turning Point
1986: Year One of Party Politics
1986 was a watershed for Taiwan's party politics. Under Chiang Ching-kuo's "political renewal" policy, the political atmosphere gradually relaxed. Tangwai figures seized the opportunity, formally establishing the Democratic Progressive Party on September 28, breaking KMT one-party dominance.
The DPP's establishment violated existing law, but the government chose tolerance. This decision held major significance, representing KMT willingness to coexist with opposition parties, opening doors for democratic transition.
The first major election after DPP establishment was the late 1986 legislative election. Despite organizing just two months prior, the DPP won 22.2% of votes, electing 12 legislators. These results exceeded all expectations, proving Taiwanese society's democratic aspirations.
The Shock of Lifting Martial Law: A New Era of Free Speech
On July 15, 1987, Taiwan formally lifted martial law. This historic moment not only ended military rule but opened a new era of free speech. Political taboos were broken one by one, media began free reporting, and people could openly discuss politics.
Post-martial law elections became more intense. Candidates could criticize presidents, question government policies, even propose unification-independence positions. Electoral debates became public focal points, with television broadcasts allowing all Taiwan's people to participate in democratic processes.
Many emerging political figures appeared during this period. They no longer needed to hide political stances, openly competing for votes. Taiwan's political arena became more diverse and competitive.
Party Alternation: Democracy's Maturation
1996: The Milestone of Direct Presidential Election
On March 23, 1996, Taiwan held its first direct presidential election. This was the first in Republic of China history and the first direct presidential election in Chinese society. All Taiwan's 21 million people held voting rights, with 76% turnout.
This election's significance transcended politics. It symbolized Taiwan democracy's maturation while demonstrating Chinese society's democratic capacity to the world. Lee Teng-hui won with 54% of votes, but more importantly, the entire electoral process proceeded peacefully and orderly without unrest.
During the election, the PRC launched missiles threatening Taiwan, inadvertently uniting Taiwanese society. Though parties differed on platforms, all supported democratic elections. This "democratic baptism" made Taiwan's democratic system more solid.
2000: First Party Alternation
In the 2000 presidential election, DPP's Chen Shui-bian won, ending KMT's 55-year rule. This was Taiwan's first party alternation, of epoch-making significance.
More importantly, power transition proceeded completely peacefully. Though losing power, the KMT didn't resist but chose to respect popular will. This "gentlemanly contest" demeanor earned Taiwan democracy international acclaim.
Chen Shui-bian's inauguration promise of "Four No's and One Without" showed the DPP's pragmatic attitude after taking power. The new government didn't conduct political purges but worked to promote national unity. This moderate transition was an important characteristic of Taiwan democracy.
2008 and 2016: Normalizing Alternation
Ma Ying-jeou's 2008 presidential victory returned the KMT to power, completing the second party alternation. Tsai Ing-wen's 2016 victory brought the DPP back to power, achieving the third party alternation.
All these alternations followed the same pattern: intense but fair electoral competition, results accepted by all sides, peaceful power transfers. Party alternation changed from "historic event" to "normal phenomenon"—exactly the hallmark of mature democracy.
Each alternation brought policy adjustments while maintaining stable institutional frameworks. Regardless of which party governed, all must follow constitutional order, accept media oversight, and face voter scrutiny. This "institutions over individuals" democratic culture is Taiwan's most precious asset.
Formation of Electoral Culture
Campaign Rallies: Taiwan's Distinctive Democratic Carnival
Taiwan elections' greatest characteristic is lively campaign rallies. Candidates rent large plazas, invite entertainers, distribute gifts, attracting public participation. Campaign rallies aren't just political activities but community carnivals.
This electoral culture reflects Taiwanese society's traits: valuing personal relationships, enjoying excitement, emphasizing face. Candidates must be "grounded," building emotional connections with voters. Pure policy debates aren't enough; they must sing, act, and perform.
Campaign rallies also created new political language. "Dongsuàn" (凍蒜, elected), "xiàjià" (下架, remove from office), "guāngfù" (光復, restore) and other terms became Taiwan politics' distinctive vocabulary. These phrases are vivid and creative, showing Taiwanese humor.
Television Debates: Platforms for Rational Discussion
As democracy deepened, television debates became important electoral components. Candidates must articulate platforms on camera, accept questioning, and demonstrate capabilities. Good debate performance can reverse electoral fortunes; poor performance can destroy political careers.
Television debates enhanced elections' rational elements. Voters consider not just candidate charisma but policy content. This change reflected Taiwan voter maturation while driving politician professionalization.
The internet age further transformed electoral ecology. Candidates directly dialogue with voters through social media, with young voters becoming key forces. Traditional campaign rallies remain important, but digital marketing is also crucial.
Democracy's Challenges and Reflections
The Shadow of Money Politics
Though Taiwan democracy succeeded, it also faces many challenges. Money politics is among the most serious problems. Enormous campaign costs easily generate influence peddling. Some enterprises influence policy through political donations, distorting democracy's spirit.
Vote-buying, though improved from the past, hasn't completely disappeared. Particularly in local elections, some candidates still compete for votes through red envelopes, gifts, and other means. Such behavior is not only illegal but damages democratic quality.
The government attempts to regulate political donations through legislation, establishing public election financing to reduce money's political influence. But truly solving problems requires joint efforts from all society.
Media Chaos and Disinformation
Media freedom is democracy's cornerstone, but Taiwan media also developed problems. Some media outlets show bias, spreading false information and misleading voters. Particularly in the social media age, fake news spreads extremely fast, affecting electoral fairness.
The government attempts to legislate against false information but faces free speech questions. Balancing combating disinformation with protecting free speech is a challenge facing all democratic societies.
Media literacy education becomes an important issue. Voters must learn to identify false information and think rationally about political issues. This is not only government responsibility but every citizen's duty.
Generational Differences and Political Participation
Younger generations have different political attitudes from older ones. They focus more on issues, not blindly supporting specific parties. This change helps political rationalization but brings new challenges.
How to attract young people to participate in politics? How to ensure their voices are heard? These are questions political figures must consider. Internet politics, youth participation, and issue-oriented political culture are changing Taiwan democracy's face.
Taiwan Democracy's Global Significance
Taiwan's democratic transition is viewed internationally as a successful model. Without external intervention, through peaceful struggle and rational dialogue, it completed the authoritarian-to-democratic transition. This experience provides important inspiration for other developing countries.
More importantly, Taiwan proved Chinese society can practice democratic politics. This achievement breaks the "Asian Values" myth, proving democracy is universal, not culturally limited.
Though Taiwan democracy continues evolving while facing various challenges, its basic framework is solid. Electoral systems are fair and transparent, party alternation is normalized, and civil society flourishes. These are Taiwan democracy's precious assets.
Reviewing Taiwan's democratization process, we see a society's collective effort. From tangwai movement pioneers to enlightened politicians supporting democracy, from media courageously providing oversight to voters casting rational ballots, everyone contributed strength.
Taiwan democracy's story continues being written. Facing new challenges, we must continuously improve systems and enhance democratic quality. But one thing is certain: democracy has deeply rooted in Taiwanese society, becoming our most precious common asset.
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