Han Kuo-yu

The Night of June 6, 2020

At 7:25 PM on June 6, 2020, the Kaohsiung City Election Commission announced the vote count results. The number of votes in favor of recalling Han Kuo-yu was: 939,090 votes, nearly twice the recall threshold of 570,000 votes. The number of votes against recall was 25,051. Before the vote counting was even finished, the outcome was no longer in doubt. ¹

Han Kuo-yu, then 62 years old, became the first directly-elected mayor in the constitutional history of the Republic of China (ROC) to be recalled. His term as Mayor of Kaohsiung lasted 528 days, making it the shortest term for a directly-elected mayor in history. ²

His political career seemed to end at that moment. In the January 2020 presidential election, he lost to Tsai Ing-wen by 2.65 million votes (5.52 million to 8.17 million). ³ Five months later, he was recalled. Within those six months, he experienced a speed unprecedented for any political figure since Taiwan's democratization: Presidential candidate → Defeated → Mayor recalled.

But the story did not end.

Four years later, on February 1, 2024, the same Han Kuo-yu took the oath of office as the Speaker of the 11th Legislative Yuan in the Legislative Yuan chamber. The highest position in the ROC legislature was held by a former mayor who had been recalled by 930,000 voters just four years prior.

Between 2020 and 2024, Han Kuo-yu did not participate in any new elections, nor did he win any new debates. The only thing he did was wait. He waited for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to lose its absolute majority in the 2024 presidential election, waited for the Kuomintang (KMT) to become the largest party in the Legislative Yuan, and waited for Chu Li-lun to place him first on the party-list proportional representation slate. Then he returned.

Between political death and political resurrection, there was only a party-list slate.

30-Second Overview: Born in 1957 in Banqiao, Taipei, Han Kuo-yu is a second-generation immigrant from Henan Shangqiu. He graduated from the Military Academy's Special Class, the Department of English Literature at Soochow University, and the Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies at National Chengchi University. He served as a Legislator for the 2nd-4th terms and as Deputy Mayor of Zhonghe City, Taipei County. He fell into obscurity for three years after becoming General Manager of the Taipei Agricultural Wholesale Corporation (TAIWAN) in 2016. In 2018, he ran for Mayor of Kaohsiung on behalf of the KMT, igniting the "Han Wave" with slogans like "Kaohsiung, Get Rich," "Northern Drifters," and "Goods Go Out, People Come In," defeating his opponent by 150,000 votes. After becoming mayor in 2019, he announced his presidential bid four months later. In January 2020, he lost the presidential election by 2.65 million votes; in June 2020, he was recalled, becoming the first directly-elected mayor in constitutional history to be recalled. In 2024, he returned to the Legislative Yuan as the first candidate on the KMT's party-list slate and was elected Speaker of the Legislative Yuan on February 1.

From Banqiao, Taipei to the Advance Base in Kaohsiung

Han Kuo-yu's family background is that of a "second-generation immigrant from Banqiao, Taipei." His father was from Shangqiu, Henan, and moved to Taiwan with the Nationalist government in 1949. His mother was also from the mainland. He grew up in a military dependents' village in Banqiao, Taipei, or in its vicinity, a typical child of a post-war first-generation immigrant family. ⁴

His educational path was a mix of military and liberal arts. His university education was at the Military Academy's Special Class—a short-term military training program, not the standard four-year Regular Officer Course. After graduating from the Special Class, he entered the Department of English Literature at Soochow University to obtain his bachelor's degree, and then entered the Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies at National Chengchi University to obtain his master's degree. The Institute of East Asian Studies is Taiwan's most famous academic institution for studying China issues, and its graduates typically work in national security, diplomatic, or cross-strait research systems.

These three educational stages reflect a typical "second-generation immigrant elite" path: Military foundation + Liberal arts degree + Cross-strait studies expertise. This is not a random combination; it is the standard formula used by the KMT system during the Cold War to cultivate its own successors. For second-generation immigrants born in the 1950s-1970s who wished to enter politics, this educational path was common.

In 1993, he was elected as a Legislator for the second term, serving three consecutive terms (2nd, 3rd, and 4th terms, 1993-2002). During his nine years in the Legislative Yuan, he was known for his "gunner" image—daring to scold, daring to charge, and daring to confront opponents head-on. The KMT of that era needed such figures because DPP legislators also used similar styles to clash.

After 2002, Han Kuo-yu gradually faded from the political stage. He served as Deputy Mayor of Zhonghe City, Taipei County, but this was not a position that would bring him back into the spotlight. From 2013 to 2017, he served as the General Manager of the Taipei Agricultural Wholesale Corporation (TAIWAN)—a position managing fruit and vegetable wholesale markets, politically speaking, akin to being exiled.

During this time, he almost disappeared from the public eye. Until the unexpected event of 2018.

Kaohsiung, Get Rich: How a Slogan Changed a City

In the 2018 Taiwan Local Elections (Nine-in-One), the KMT needed a candidate for Kaohsiung. Kaohsiung was the "Green Stronghold" where the DPP had continuously governed for twenty years since 1998; no political figure from any KMT faction wanted to go there to throw away their votes.

Han Kuo-yu was nominated. The prevailing judgment was: He would lose anyway, so find someone with a loud voice to "run for the sake of running," create buzz, and help pull votes for the KMT in other counties. He was a sacrifice play.

Then the "Han Wave" happened.

His campaign language had a density never before seen in Taiwanese politics:

• "A bottle of mineral water, a bowl of braised pork rice" — indicating he did not rely on business conglomerates and used the cheapest items for his campaign
• "Northern Drifters" — naming the phenomenon of Kaohsiung people being forced to leave their hometowns to work in Taipei
• "Goods Go Out, People Come In, Kaohsiung, Get Rich" — packaging economic difficulties and hope into a slogan in three sentences ⁵

The common characteristic of these slogans is: Extremely specific, extremely populist, extremely emotional. They do not discuss policy details or governance philosophies; they directly touch the voters' most primal pain points—young people cannot stay, the economy does not grow, and hope is missing. Moreover, they can be replicated, shared, and turned into internet memes.

A post-election analysis by The Reporter in 2018 categorized the "Han Wave" as an anti-narrative, anti-elite, grounded electoral phenomenon. ⁶ At the time, Taiwan's political narrative was dominated by the Tsai Ing-wen government's DPP, with language leaning towards rationality, internationalism, reform, and progress. This language was incomprehensible and inaudible to certain voters—especially those aged 40-49, who had experienced Kaohsiung's economic boom and watched it decline.

Han Kuo-yu's appearance gave them something to say.

In November 2018, Han Kuo-yu defeated his opponent, Chen Chi-mai, by 150,000 votes, becoming the Mayor of Kaohsiung. Green land turned blue sky. This was the first time since 1998 that the DPP lost Kaohsiung.

Four Months Later, He Decided to Run for President

The problem lay ahead.

From late February to early March 2019, only four months after being elected Mayor of Kaohsiung, Han Kuo-yu began leaking rumors that he would run for the 2020 presidency. He claimed it was a "passive candidacy," waiting for KMT nomination; but in reality, his team held rallies across the country, effectively starting the presidential campaign.

This decision was the starting point of his political collapse.

Kaohsiung voters elected him hoping he would "strive for the economy and make Kaohsiung rich," not to use him as a springboard for the presidency. When he entered the presidential race, Kaohsiung's municipal administration essentially fell into a standstill—the mayor spent most of his time away from Kaohsiung, the cabinet lacked leadership, major projects were delayed, and cross-city negotiations were stalled. Chen Chi-mai later won the 2020 August by-election easily, following the line of "having a mayor who can focus on doing things." ⁷

Worse still was Han Kuo-yu's performance in the presidential election. On January 11, 2020, voting took place:

• Tsai Ing-wen / Lai Ching-te: 8,170,231 votes (57.13%)
• Han Kuo-yu / Chang Shan-cheng: 5,522,119 votes (38.61%)
• Song Chu-yu / Yu Hsiang: 1,050,600 votes (4.26%)

Han Kuo-yu lost the election by a margin of 2.65 million votes. This vote margin was the third largest in the history of Taiwan's presidential direct elections, second only to the 2.21 million vote margin between Ma Ying-jeou and Sieh Long-tsing in 2008 and the 3.08 million vote margin between Tsai Ing-wen and Chu Li-lun in 2016.

The Han Wave myth of 2018 turned into the collapse of the Han Wave in January 2020, 13 months later.

Recall: A City's Punishment

Two weeks after the presidential election, Kaohsiung citizens initiated a recall petition. The reason was: Han Kuo-yu used Kaohsiung as a springboard for the presidency, violating his promise to voters.

The recall procedure has three stages: Proposal (1% petition), Petition (10%), and Voting (consent votes exceeding 25% of voters and greater than dissenting votes). The speed of the Kaohsiung recall petition set a record—originally estimated to take at least four months of petitioning, it was achieved in two months. ⁸

Voting took place on June 6, 2020. The voter turnout was 42%. Votes to recall: 939,090. Votes against recall: 25,051. ¹

Looking at these two numbers together makes things clearer: 930,000 vs 25,000. The number of people supporting the recall was 37 times greater than those opposing it. This is not a close result—it is a city's total rejection of an individual.

Han Kuo-yu became the first directly-elected mayor in the constitutional history of the Republic of China to be recalled. ² His 528-day term also became the shortest term for a directly-elected mayor in history.

That night, Han Kuo-yu's statement was short: "I respect the decision of the Kaohsiung citizens." No anger, no defense, no conspiracy theories. This was completely opposite to his "Kaohsiung, Get Rich" enthusiasm in 2018—but perhaps this was his true personality, a second-generation immigrant mixing military discipline with political calculation, knowing when to bow his head.

From Recalled to Speaker of the Legislative Yuan: Four Years of Waiting

From June 2020 to November 2023, Han Kuo-yu almost disappeared from the public eye. He did not run for any local positions, did not hold party posts, did not host TV programs, and did not publish books. He occasionally appeared at internal KMT events but did not lead any important debates.

These three years were a calculated wait.

In January 2024, Taiwan held simultaneous elections for the 16th President and Vice President and the 11th Legislative Yuan. The result was that the DPP won the presidency (Lai Ching-te and Hsiao Bi-khim with 40%) but lost its absolute majority in the Legislative Yuan. The distribution of seats in the Legislative Yuan:

• KMT: 52 seats (Largest party)
• DPP: 51 seats
• Taiwan People's Party: 8 seats
• Independents: 2 seats

The KMT became the largest party in the Legislative Yuan by just one seat. By constitutional convention, it could nominate the Speaker of the Legislative Yuan.

Chu Li-lun (KMT Chairman) announced in late 2023 that Han Kuo-yu would be the first candidate on the KMT's party-list Legislative Yuan slate. ⁹ The reasons were: Han Kuo-yu's low-key retreat after being recalled as Mayor of Kaohsiung proved he respected the democratic system; his electoral mobilization ability remained an asset for the KMT; as a candidate for Speaker of the Legislative Yuan, he had debate experience, media charm, and a foundation for cross-party negotiation.

Being first on the party-list slate meant "guaranteed election." On January 13, 2024, the votes were counted. The KMT's party-list slate allocated seats according to the vote share, and Han Kuo-yu returned to the Legislative Yuan.

On February 1, the first day of the session, the Blue (KMT) and White (TPP) parties cooperated to nominate Han Kuo-yu as Speaker of the Legislative Yuan. The voting result: Han Kuo-yu 54 votes (Blue 52 + White 2), DPP nominee Yu Shi-kun 51 votes. Han Kuo-yu was elected Speaker of the Legislative Yuan.

From being recalled to becoming Speaker of the Legislative Yuan took 3 years and 8 months.

Ending: A Political Figure's Two Lives

Han Kuo-yu's story has a rarely examined layer: He is the first political figure in Taiwan's democratic system to have experienced both recall and resurrection.

From being recalled in June 2020 to sitting in the Speaker's position in February 2024, this path has no precedent in the forty years since Taiwan's democratization. Chen Shui-bian was indicted but did not resurrect; Lien Chan lost the chairmanship and retreated behind the scenes; Song Chu-yu rose and fell multiple times as Chairman of the People First Party but did not return to the central core. Han Kuo-yu is the only one who experienced a constitutional-level recall and then sat in the highest constitutional legislative position.

The significance of this lies not in him personally. It lies in what the actual effect of the recall system is.

In design, recall is the ultimate punishment for incompetent officials. But from Han Kuo-yu's example, recall is actually just "losing a specific position," not "losing political life." Voters recalled him as Mayor of Kaohsiung, but they could not recall him as a Legislator, as Chairman, or as any other position. He could wait—as long as a new opportunity appeared, he could return.

This is an interesting feature of Taiwan's constitutional system: Individual positions can be recalled, but individual political figures are not permanently banned. This feature has its rationale (avoiding political persecution, preserving the people's freedom of choice), but also its cost (failed political figures can keep resurrecting).

Han Kuo-yu's return in February 2024 brought this cost to the forefront. When the person kicked out of the Kaohsiung City Government by 930,000 voters with their feet walked into the Legislative Yuan chamber four years later to take the oath as the highest position in the national legislature—what did those 930,000 votes from Kaohsiung citizens mean?

One interpretation is: Democratic institutions do not hold grudges. Recall is a decision for the present, not a verdict for eternity.

Another interpretation is: Recall is designed to be limited. It guarantees the right to "replace a mayor," but not the right to "never see this person again." Democratic institutions are procedures, not emotions.

The truth likely lies between the two. And Han Kuo-yu himself may be the quietest beneficiary of this procedural loophole.

Further Reading:

• 2026 KMT-CCP Meeting: Ten Minutes of Reunion Between KMT and CCP Leaders After a Decade — In the April 2026 Legislative Yuan budget negotiation, presided over by Han Kuo-yu; the timing of the KMT-CCP meeting and the Legislative Yuan budget special bill is in the same week.
• Cheng Li-wen — Two of the most important figures in the KMT in 2025-2026: one is the Party Chairman, the other is the Speaker of the Legislative Yuan, representing different ecosystems within the party.
• Hsiao Bi-khim — For comparative reading: Hsiao Bi-khim won a Legislative Yuan seat in Hualien after six years; Han Kuo-yu was recalled from Kaohsiung in 528 days. There are many types of time curves in democracy.
• Taiwan's Political Environment and Electoral System — Why can the party-list Legislative Yuan system allow "recalled political figures" like Han Kuo-yu to resurrect? The answer lies in the electoral rules themselves.
• Ko Wen-je — Another figure who went from amateur to mayor, from mayor to presidential candidate, from presidential candidate to the center of the storm; the structure of their "rise and fall" is similar.
• Liu Su-yen — The other pole of the 2018 Han Wave; the Mayor of Taichung who flipped from blue to blue in the same year as Han Kuo-yu.
• Hsu Chiao-hsin — The main proponent of the 800 billion version of the 2026 military procurement controversy; a key presence in the negotiations of Speaker of the Legislative Yuan Han Kuo-yu.
• Chi Lin-lien — The Vice Chairman who threatened to "expel from party membership those who sell the party for glory" at the Central Executive Committee meeting on 2026-04-29; the target truly impacted by those words was Han Kuo-yu.

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